The Ethics of Postmodern Capitalism: Work, Risk, and Access to the System

Economy cannot be reduced merely to the means of production, as in Marx, nor to technologies and institutions. It is always also grounded in ethics — in stable ideas about what is permissible, just, obligatory, and worthy conduct. It was no accident that the USSR proclaimed the need for a “new man.” Economy is, above all, an organization of shared existence and the distribution of goods. No economic system can function without stable rules of behavior within society. Another example of how dependent economy is on ethics is the difficulty of transferring people from one ethical and social regime into the economic system of Western countries. Cultures in which loyalty to the community, religious group, or family clan plays a central role are more difficult to integrate into the impersonal ethics of corporate or state administration.

Classical capitalism rested on Protestant ethics. Max Weber demonstrated this convincingly in his classic work The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Protestant theology assumes the absolute will of God over man, which means that God already knows whether a person will be saved or not. Accordingly, signs of future salvation may already be found in one’s present life. Protestantism encourages thrift, modesty, discipline, and hard work. Combined with the ideas of the free market, the successful entrepreneur becomes not merely someone who has achieved material success, but also someone marked by God during earthly life, carrying an almost sacred meaning of justice.

Ayn Rand’s objectivism, especially in Atlas Shrugged, slightly shifted this ethical form, somewhat desacralizing it but adding pathos. For Rand, the entrepreneur is not someone marked by God and predestined for salvation, but a hero of progress: an exceptional individual whose talent, will, and creative capacity move the world forward, and who therefore gains a moral right to power, property, and reward.

The ethics of classical capitalism is the foundation and a key part of the entire system. The world order, even the universe itself, seems to reward the entrepreneur for his virtues: hard work, the ability to assume risk, talent, responsibility, and respect for impersonal rules and contracts.

Post-capitalism outwardly resembles classical capitalism, yet differs from it at its core precisely because it has a different ethics. Ethics in postmodernity is flexible and fluid. It is based neither on religious ethics nor on the ideas of modernity, but primarily on the current needs of business, using the classical values of capitalism as a set of symbols and semiotically, locally assembling relevant meanings from them.

In the capitalism of late modernity, roles still remained relatively distinct. The entrepreneur was expected to show initiative, a willingness to take risks, organizational talent, and the ability to create something new; possible power and money were understood as a fair reward for risk and responsibility. The wage worker occupied a different, but still socially recognized, position. He was not required to be an entrepreneur of his own life. He had the right to labor, a profession, a wage, a stable place within the production system, and the basic reproduction of life.

This was one of the important justifications of industrial modernity: the inclusion of a person into a complex production system was supposed to give him more than direct self-reproduction through simple forms of labor, trade, craft, or subsistence economy. The point is not that pre-capitalist life was necessarily harder or worse. The point is that a person of average abilities still had more direct access to the means of subsistence. Capitalism justified the loss of this immediate autonomy by promising the ordinary person a higher level of predictability, comfort, protection, and social reproduction.

In postmodernity, however, the roles begin to merge. The wage worker is now expected to possess entrepreneurial skills: negotiation, self-presentation, innovativeness, a willingness to assume risk, and hyper-motivation. At the same time, the double morality and separation of roles remain intact: the worker is expected to be devoted to the company and passionate about the work, while for the company he remains an impersonal human resource, primarily a source of profit and an element that must satisfy the demand for rapid interchangeability.

In other words, what was once the attribute of the entrepreneur now becomes the minimum requirement imposed on the ordinary worker. Modernist capitalism promised the average person a life above mere self-reproduction. Postmodernist capitalism increasingly demands entrepreneurial qualities from the average person simply in order to preserve access to a basic standard of living.

The startup industry functions in a similar way. Symbolically, the classical scheme remains in place: the entrepreneur brings innovation to the market and, in the event of success, receives a deserved reward. But the meaning of what is happening is inverted. It is increasingly profitable for corporations not to produce the entire cycle of risk internally. Millions of teams, startups, and independent developers test ideas, products, niches, and business models on their own. The corporation joins later — when the risk has already been partially removed and a promising model has become visible. It buys not an abstract idea, but a result already filtered by the market. Founders have little choice, since sales channels, infrastructure, advertising networks, cloud services, and access platforms are increasingly concentrated in the hands of major players.

Here one may also note that mass culture adapts in a timely manner to the needs of the market. For example, in the late 1980s the image of the “street girl” or “street boy” was popular and embodied in music and cinema. The rapid shift in IT is revealing: in the early 1990s the popular figure was the punk or hacker; in the 2000s, the successful yuppie bank employee; in the 2010s, the urban resident or hipster — because at different stages of market development, the market required different kinds of labor resources.

In other words, mass culture does not merely reflect the labor market; it produces desirable types of subjectivity: the disciplined worker, the creative freelancer, the successful office professional, the flexible startup founder, the “special” urban specialist for whom work becomes part of identity.

Current demands of the labor market also change the demands placed on ethics and values. If industrial culture could still separate labor from leisure, work from private life, profession from identity, postmodernist culture increasingly connects them. The worker must not simply perform a function, but become a particular type of subject: creative, flexible, passionate, special, constantly plugged into work, and ready to turn his own personality into part of the production process.

There is no need to look for a conspiracy here. Producers of media content simply read the current cultural layer. The cultural system sustains itself, and even at the lower social strata people support the values of their own stratum for the sake of self-actualization and self-identification. Falling out of a social model is often harder than remaining fixed at its bottom.

Direct coercion in the modern labor system does not disappear; it changes form. The worker is no longer governed only by a boss or by the classical production hierarchy, but by a protocol: KPI, ratings, the algorithmic distribution of orders, the platform, the brand, the license, the corporate procedure. Power becomes not personal, but systemic. It acts through rules of access, evaluation, visibility, and interchangeability.

In traditional capitalism, the wage worker occupied a relatively stable place within a hierarchy: he had a position, a role, a wage, a boss, an enterprise, and at least minimally defined social obligations on the part of the employer. In the postmodernist model, this place is blurred. The worker must increasingly behave like an entrepreneur: he must be mobile, communicative, flexible, ready for risk, able to sell himself, constantly learning, constantly investing in his own “competitiveness.” But he does not receive the main benefit of entrepreneurship: the possibility of appropriating substantial profit from the risk he has taken.

Here a characteristic simulacrum of entrepreneurship emerges. The worker bears risks like an entrepreneur, but remains constrained like a wage worker. He pays for his own training, adaptation, promotion, equipment, downtime, reputational losses, and periods of decline. Yet his income is capped from above by the logic of survival: he rarely reaches the level at which he himself can escape dependence and use the wage labor of others. If the entrepreneur in classical capitalism assumes risk for the possibility of profit, the modern worker assumes risk in order to preserve access to the system.

This is where a new form of power appears. Business increasingly sells not so much a workplace as access to a protocol: to a brand, a platform, a marketplace, a franchise, an order-distribution algorithm, a rating system, or corporate infrastructure. The risks remain below — with the courier, freelancer, seller, franchisee, content creator, app developer, or remote worker. The upper level of the system extracts profit from the very organization of competition. It does not necessarily participate in each concrete risk, but it controls the rules of the game, the visibility of participants, and the possibility of exclusion from the system.

This is especially clear in digital and platform environments. In a real market, an entrepreneur fails as a result of competition: he loses if his product, price, or organization proves ineffective. But in a platform environment, a different type of dependence emerges. The platform owner possesses an almost sovereign right of access: he can change the algorithm, block an account, suppress search visibility, cancel monetization, shut down an app, delete a store, or erase accumulated reputation. Invested effort can thus be nullified not by the market, but by the decision of the owner of the environment.

That is why the contemporary model of labor appears entrepreneurial only on the surface. It imitates freedom of competition, initiative, and self-management, but preserves an asymmetry of power. The subject is offered the role of an entrepreneur without property, an investor without control, a market participant without the right to define the rules of the market. This is the postmodernist form of capitalist power: it does not merely exploit labor, but organizes an environment in which the worker voluntarily assumes the risks necessary for the profit of the system.

This is why postmodernist capitalism does not simply continue the exploitation of labor in its old form. It changes the very ethical frame of labor. The ordinary person no longer merely sells labor power. He must constantly prove his own suitability for the system, invest in himself, manage his own reputation, assume risks, and struggle for access to infrastructure he does not own. The modernist system promised the individual: enter production, and you will receive more than you could obtain through immediate self-reproduction. The postmodernist system increasingly says something different: enter the race, so as not to lose the very possibility of survival within the system.

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Welcome to thephilosophyforum. Very perceptive analysis, and would work well as a standalone essay. It reminds me of Byung-Chul Han’s analysis that postmodern capitalism turns existence into a project management task.

Yes, thanks for the thoughtful insights. I’m curious to know whether you think post-modern capitalism can still be placed in a Marxian framework emphasizing class struggle?

No, I don’t think postmodern capitalism can be explained by classical Marxism alone. It is more accurate to say that postmodernity digests Marxism and redefines it.

It shifts struggle away from class struggle, understood as the result of the development of society and production, and redirects it toward hierarchies in general. Then this language of struggle is absorbed into corporate culture itself.

Classical Marxism sees society as a self-moving and self-unfolding historical force, driven by contradictions rooted in production and property relations. In postmodern capitalism, that movement seems to be intercepted and redefined. Conflict remains, but it is increasingly processed by the system as one of the mechanisms of its own reproduction.

In some Western countries this model has created a minimum wage gig economy. In which the young, who are now competing with AI, are turning away from work and finding alternative ways to survive. Often living off the resources of their parents. In the U.K. a whole generation of recently graduated graduates can’t find any kind of work. They have no way of ever being able to afford to buy a house, there is a rental crisis where rents are spiralling, so they won’t be able to rent either. Also they are saddled with large debt. There is widespread indolence where young people are unable to do physical work, so migrant workers who will do it have to be shipped in. Causing the rise of populists promising to remove said migrants. A sense of societal and economic collapse, driving ever more of the electorate to vote for populist authoritarian party’s, who will feed off accelerating the collapse.

My point is different. In the language of postmodernity, authoritarianism increasingly means almost any hierarchical model.

I am not talking about specific parties here, but only about the language of postmodernity.

The term “populism” is especially funny in this context: it is used by a system that has itself learned to flexibly recombine old symbols into new meanings as a form of power.

Visible authoritarianism has been replaced by a subjectless totality — and sold as freedom.

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But doesn’t denying any kind of hierarchy or even gradation in terms of abilities risk ‘the tyranny of the mob?’

I would put it differently. In postmodernity, especially in thinkers like Lyotard or Deleuze, hierarchies do not disappear completely.

What becomes suspicious is not every difference, ability, or temporary order, but stable, final, total hierarchies — structures that claim universal legitimacy and present themselves as natural or necessary.

Local and temporary hierarchies are still possible, and sometimes even desirable. They may arise spontaneously, pragmatically, or be assembled from fragments of older meanings.

So the issue is not simply “no hierarchy at all.” The issue is the refusal to treat any hierarchy as final, sacred, or beyond reinterpretation.

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Interesting, but I’m unclear who the protagonists are here. When you say,“It shifts struggle . . .” etc., what does “it” refer to? Seemingly, to postmodernity, but do you mean postmodernity as a social condition, or as a theory? Either way, I don’t know what you have in mind, in practical terms. What would be an example of “shifting struggle toward hierarchies in general”?

By postmodernity I do not mean a subject, a group of subjects, or any concrete organization.

I mean a field of thought, a form of social organization, and a mode of analysis, shaped to a large extent by French continental philosophy after the Second World War.

A simple example is management. In classical management there is a clear hierarchy of boss and subordinate. In the contemporary corporate environment, this hierarchy often presents itself as a friendly, flat structure.

Control is no longer exercised only through direct orders, but through corporate ethics, corporate values, performance monitoring, KPIs, rituals, motivation, and daily meetings.

So hierarchy does not disappear. It becomes softer, more distributed, and harder to name.

My work career started in the early 90s when postmodern ideas seemed creative, playful, and relevant. But deconstruction of the most basic shared truths and notions of rightness has consequences. Unsurprisingly, it served the loudest, most brutal, and power-mad individuals who could dismiss any criticism under the popular assumption that there are no such things as truth and rightness. They could easily elbow their way to the highest positions in society. Today these positions are ruled by cult-like gangs of pseudo/anti-intellectuals. The good news is that it’s not sustainable. Hopefully they will be replaced quickly and peacefully.

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Could you be more specific? Are you taking about wokeness in general? Are you including under ‘power-hungry’ voices on the far right?

I detect whiffs of ‘Postscript on the Societies of Control’ in the OP. But I would make a distinction between what you are calling postmodern forms of social organization and ethics, and postmodern philosophy. If the wider culture had absorbed the ideas of figures like Deleuze and Foucualt, social organization would look vastly different than it does now. Instead, it is dominated by epistemic-philosophical frameworks which run from Hume to Hegel on the progressive left, and Scholastic to early Enlightenment thought on the right. Only a handful of people in the world have fully absorbed the ideas of Deleuze and Foucault. Most just use them as scapegoats in their partisan battles.

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OK. I’m not sure how a field, a form, or a mode could do the things you’re saying it does, but perhaps you’re speaking metaphorically.

Yes, the presentation has changed, quite often. But has the boss/subordinate relationship changed in the slightest? Does not the boss still make more money than the subordinate, and participate in different class privileges? Is it not still the case that the boss can fire the subordinate, but not vice versa?

I am not sure what “far right” or “right-wing populist” is supposed to mean in this context. To me, these labels often function as another way of delegitimizing something by renaming it.

I was banned from Reddit for this text with the explanation that it was “far right,” so perhaps that is possible.

In any case, this is only a small part of a larger long-form essay — one of eight chapters — where I examine postmodernity in politics, media, war, crime, and AI. If I am not banned here as well, I hope to publish the other parts over time.

Yes, the boss/subordinate relation remains materially. I do not deny that.

But the difference is visible in the standard of living, employment opportunities, and qualification requirements of the educated middle class.

Productivity grows, the demands placed on the worker grow, but the standard of living falls.

This is precisely the efficiency of postmodern capitalism for corporations: the hierarchy remains, but it becomes cheaper, more flexible, and more profitable to maintain.

OK, that makes sense. I wonder how much longer it will remain “cheaper, more flexible, and more profitable”! For that matter, how much longer will we (in the US) have an educated middle class?

Sure, but my experiences have little to do with far right or far left or woke politics.

My experiences are mostly from architecture. In the early 90s I knew little about philosophy or linguistics. I was a draughtsman and intrigued by postmodern or deconstructivist ways of representation that could make the jaw drop on any 20-year old.

Some stuff referred to writers, theories, the sciences, intellectual life. I’m from Sweden but got a job in Berlin, at Daniel Libeskind’s office in 92. I recall a French girl who had allegedly been working for the writer and urbanist Paul Virilio. The office walls were covered in books on philosophy, math, science.. like working in a library. Anyway, the kind of postmoderism that I learned to know was a creative and intellectual enterprise. We tried to make sense of, or accept, a complex world.

Many years later, I had studied philosophy and was back at the architecture school to complete my degree. There I encounter a different kind of postmodernism. Professors referring to pomo thinkers as if they had decisively resolved all questions: there are no truths, anything goes, everything is socially constructed.

The worst “lecture” was arranged like a public smear campaign against science in general, and scientists in particular who were portrayed as “bureaucratic Nazis” who believed in myths. It was ugly. What’s next, burning books?

In academia postmodernism seemed to have become an intellectual kind of anti-intellectualism. In work-life and politics, undermining of truth and rightness has arguably led to increased authoritarianism. This is some background.

I know there are good people who find interest in postmodern thought. Architecture, however, is a murky mix of all kinds of stuff, including politics, which can make beautiful things look ugly and ugly things beautiful.

There is an elaborate
ontology

My understanding of postmodernist critiques of truth, ethics and science is shaped primarily by my reading of Derrida, Foucault, Deleuze, Nietzsche and Heidegger. I can’t speak to the particular academics who struck you as authoritarian and anti-intellectual, but I have found that many who call
themselves postmodernists misread the above writers, and this is evidenced by attacks on truth and science which represent themselves as refutations or disproofs. The social justice warrior who blamefully finger points from a position of moral superiority is likely still in the grips of a Marxist modernist thinking.

Sorry, did you mean to continue? This looks like a fragment of something else . . .