In the thread on Philosophy of Mind and of Consciousness, several of us have been debating whether thinking is intrinsic to reality or whether it arises contingently when conditions are right. I want to explore a consequence of that debate that we have not yet addressed.
The question of whether consciousness is intrinsic or contingent is not only a question about the nature of mind. It is a question about the nature of freedom.
Consider two positions.
On the first — the emergentist position — consciousness is a product of sufficient organizational complexity. It arises when neural, social, and cultural conditions happen to come together. It is wonderful. It is also contingent. The universe did not have to produce it. And because it is contingent, it can in principle be regulated, managed, or restricted by whatever social structures happen to govern the conditions under which it operates. If consciousness is a product, then institutions that control the means of production — education, information, communication — control consciousness itself.
On the second — the position I have been defending, following Spinoza and Ilyenkov — consciousness is not a product but an attribute of substance. Thinking is co-original with extension. It does not arise from matter; it is how matter knows itself. And if this is true, then restricting consciousness is not regulating a product. It is attempting to restrict an attribute of reality.
What follows from the second position? I want to lay out four consequences and address the strongest objection to each, because a position that cannot survive its best criticism is not worth holding.
First consequence. Every individual is a point at which substance becomes aware of itself. Restricting access to information or expression of thought distorts the process by which reality understands itself.
The objection: not all restriction is distortion. Filtering disinformation protects understanding — unfiltered flow includes lies that distort more than censorship does. The answer: filtering and censorship are different operations. Filtering says “this is false, here is why” — it adds intelligibility. Censorship says “this does not exist” — it removes intelligibility. The criterion is whether a restriction adds information to the system or subtracts it. A correction is not censorship. A deletion is.
Second consequence. If thinking is realized only through activity — through making, speaking, building, experimenting — then restricting activity that follows from thought is restricting thought itself. Freedom of thought without freedom of action is an incoherent position.
The objection: not every action should be permitted. A thought about violence does not justify violence. Freedom of thought and freedom of action are different categories. The answer: the principle contains its own limit — the condition of non-aggression. The sovereignty of another individual is the boundary. Freedom of action is not absolute, but its restriction must be justified by violation of another’s sovereignty, not by institutional convenience. The question is always: whose sovereignty is being protected, and whose is being overridden?
Third consequence. The only natural limit to one individual’s freedom is the sovereignty of another individual — not the will of a state or the weight of tradition.
The objection: without a state, who protects the sovereignty of the weak from the strong? Pure individualism leads to the rule of force. The answer: the claim is not that coordination is unnecessary, but that coordination is not the source of rights. Rights are not granted by institutions — they are recognized by them. A state can be an instrument for protecting sovereignty, but when the instrument becomes the source, it becomes a threat to what it was meant to protect. The question is not whether we need institutions, but whether institutions derive their authority from the rights they protect or the other way around.
Fourth consequence. Every distortion of the flow between consciousnesses — concealment, deception, manipulation — prevents one thinking being from acting with knowledge of its real situation. This is exploitation in the ontological sense: placing another consciousness in conditions that do not correspond to reality.
The objection: total transparency is impossible and undesirable. Privacy is also a right. Demanding full openness is totalitarianism in reverse. The answer: the claim is not about individual privacy but about closure within shared decision-making. I have the right not to tell you about my personal life. I do not have the right to conceal from you information on which your decisions about our shared life depend. Privacy protects sovereignty. Closure in the context of collective activity violates it. The distinction is between what is mine alone and what belongs to the space between us.
So here is the question I want to put to the forum. If you believe consciousness is intrinsic to reality — if you are a substance monist, a panpsychist, a dual-aspect theorist, or anyone who holds that thinking is not an accident — then what does your ontology imply about freedom? And if you believe consciousness is contingent — a lucky break in an indifferent universe — then on what basis do you ground the rights of conscious beings, other than mutual convenience?